Thoughts on the desolation of Iran

Amalek isn’t happy today, but we must guard against premature triumphalism.

I’ve been unusually quiet recently for obvious reasons. Needless to say, it hasn’t been an easy time, though infinitely easier than for the people of Israel—including many friends—most of whom would likely pay a million dollars for a decent night’s sleep at the moment. This doesn’t even include those who have already fallen at the hands of the Iranian Amalek.

It’s also far too easy to dash off one’s thoughts during the initial hours of a war, usually fueled by battle euphoria or existential dread. Such things are rarely enlightening to read later. It’s simply impossible to grasp the situation until at least several days have passed.

I’m not sure anyone fully grasps the situation at the moment, except (hopefully) the Israeli security establishment. But it does seem that, while no conclusions can be drawn, a few observations can be made:

1. We must resist the temptation of premature triumphalism or bravado. While the performance of the IDF has been extraordinary, far exceeding expectations, battle remains fluid. Iran is a vast country with significant resources and may prove more formidable than it appears. We should remain cautiously optimistic, but succumbing to delusions of victory before it is achieved would be a grave mistake. Hubris never ends well.

2. The wild card in this situation is the Iranian people. Netanyahu and members of the Iranian opposition have suggested—and sometimes more than suggested—that the war could lead to the end of the Islamo-Nazi regime that has dominated Iran for half a century. While this is not impossible, it should not be relied upon. The regime’s totalitarian control is vast and extremely ruthless. During a war, a mass uprising might be all but impossible to achieve. Additionally, while necessary, Israel’s tactical actions, such as bombing Tehran, could alienate the Iranian people and push them closer to the regime due to simple patriotism. When one’s country is under attack, one typically does not view the enemy favorably. If Israel aims to provoke an internal uprising or at least avoid alienating the Iranian people, it will need to be very cautious indeed.

3. Security in the Diaspora needs to be significantly enhanced, with Israel playing a crucial role in this effort. Iran has a history of committing terrorist acts against Jewish communities in the Diaspora during conflicts with Israel. As the Iranian regime becomes more desperate, they may attempt another such atrocity. Diaspora communities should be prepared for this, and Israel’s security and intelligence agencies have a moral obligation to provide them with all necessary assistance—behind the scenes, if need be—to prevent and repel such attacks.

4. Currently, it is unclear what the “off-ramp” might be. Even the Israeli government is not discussing the destruction of Iran’s nuclear program, only disabling or paralyzing it. While this is desirable, it is not a clear vision of what a successful conclusion to the conflict might entail. One hopes that various scenarios have been considered by the security establishment, possibly in collaboration with the US.

5. Regarding the US, concerns that the Trump administration might be “abandoning” or “turning away” from Israel seem to be unfounded. President Trump is not only supporting Israel but appears to have been heavily involved in the preparation and lead-up to the war. This is a relief, though the duration of this support is uncertain. Trump dislikes prolonged conflicts and does not want American troops on the ground, so if Israel struggles to end the war quickly, tensions could arise.

6. The antisemitic meltdown in certain right-wing circles was anticipated and unsurprising. For some time, a “Chomskyite right” has been taking shape that shares radical leftist views on American power and loathes Israel. They were already quite vocal before the war with Iran began, and now they feel emboldened. Fortunately, the mainstream right, including most of MAGA, seems content to ignore or dismiss them.

7. As mentioned above, the performance of the IDF has been extraordinary. Equally extraordinary, however, has been the performance of the Israeli people. Despite enduring horrendous missile assaults daily and nightly, they have not panicked. Thanks to their diligent conduct, casualties have been unbearable but relatively minimal. The mullahs must be weeping as they see images of Israelis sitting stoically in bomb shelters while oceans of cars stream out of Tehran. They have witnessed who is steadfast and who is not. We should hope the Israeli people continue to display such courage and grace under fire.

8. The Iranian regime’s whining highlights the core hypocrisy of Islamo-Nazism, or indeed any form of Nazism. The decrepit ayatollah laments a “declaration of war” by Israel, yet his regime declared war on Israel 50 years ago and has fought that war relentlessly ever since. In his infantile self-pity, the wretched ayatollah is incapable of acknowledging his own genocidal racism or comprehending why Israel might act to prevent him from acting on it. There is nothing worse than a supremacist so convinced of his supremacy that he cannot conceive of why anyone might question it. In this, the ayatollah and his followers worldwide reveal their total moral bankruptcy. They have nothing to say and no case to make. We do not have to listen to a word they say. The only thing to do is to stop them, and Israel is currently stopping them.

All of this comes down to something quite simple: The question of a “war of choice” versus a “war of no choice.” The current war is the essence of a war of no choice, because against the Islamo-Nazi or any Nazi, there is never any choice.

Israel was faced with either putting its faith in the kindness of Amalek or taking action against an enemy who could not have made his genocidal intentions more public. Israel chose to take action. What remains is for us to pray that she succeeds.